History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus

Private life constitutes a significant part of everyday life, a field of historical study that emerged relatively late. Initial scholarly interest in this area arose in France, Germany, and Austria, followed by contributions from Russian researchers. The establishment of the Scientific Council of the Russian Academy of Sciences, “Man in Everyday Life: Past and Present,” in 2002, marked a further development in this field [1; 2]. In recent years, the study of everyday life has become a prominent area of research within Russian historiography. The daily experiences of individuals, encompassing work, domestic life, leisure, and private life, among other aspects, have become subjects of investigation for historians, ethnographers, sociologists, and other scholars. Studies focusing on both peasant [3] and urban everyday life [4] have subsequently emerged.

Private life represents a crucial component of this broader field. Within Russian scholarship, the term “private life” has gained currency relatively recently as a distinct scientific concept. Notably, considerable variation exists in interpretations of its essence and defining characteristics. Private life is contingent upon the historical period, prevailing ideology, religious beliefs, level of cultural development, and other contextual factors. This particular facet of everyday life has received comparatively less attention from historians. Nevertheless, a number of studies addressing aspects of private life have been published [5; 6; 7; 8].

Dagestan ethnographers and philosophers S.Sh. Gadzhieva [9], B.R. Ragimova [10], M.B. Gimbatova [11], and A.Z. Baglieva [12] have addressed the broader realm of everyday life and private life as an aspect within it. This study, however, delves into the relatively unexplored territory of private life in Dagestan from a historical perspective.

The concept of private life encompasses a broad spectrum, including the domestic sphere, family life, friendships, leisure activities, religious beliefs, health practices, property rights, and more. This research aims to illuminate one specific facet of private life in Dagestani villages during the latter half of the 19th and early 20th centuries: family structures and the position of women within them. To achieve this, the study will utilize the perspectives of contemporary observers, encompassing both local authors and Russian scholars, travelers, and officers who visited Dagestan during the designated period.

The Caucasus region has also garnered attention from foreign researchers interested in private life. While British researcher John Baddeley initially intended to collect folklore from Dagestan mountain communities, his focus ultimately shifted towards documenting the history of their national liberation struggle [13]. Similarly, John Abercrombie’s illustrated work, “Journey through the Eastern Caucasus” [14] offers valuable ethnographic details about Dagestani ethnicities like the Avars and Laks, providing insights relevant to the study of private life.

This period represents a distinct phase in the history of the Dagestani peoples. Following the conclusion of the Caucasian War, the mountainous region was integrated into the Russian Empire. The establishment of the Dagestan Region in 1860 marked the introduction of centralized governance under a chief, later replaced by a military governor. Feudal estates and unions of rural communities were incorporated into a unified administrative framework, initiating significant transformations within the newly formed region. A series of reforms [15, pp. 119–139] were implemented, accelerating Dagestan’s socio-economic and cultural development [15, pp. 197–201]. Infrastructure improvements included the development of a seaport, a railway, and the growth of urban centers, along with the emergence of small industrial enterprises, most notably the Caspian Manufactory textile factory in Petrovsk [16, pp. 212–226]. The cultural sphere also experienced changes, with the establishment of secular schools offering instruction in Russian [17]. Furthermore, medical facilities, such as feldsher stations, were established in district centers to provide healthcare services to the local population [15, p. 351].

Concurrently, a secular Dagestani intelligentsia began to emerge, facilitated by the allocation of places for Dagestani students in higher education institutions throughout the Russian Empire [16, p. 308].

Therefore, the latter half of the 19th and early 20th centuries witnessed positive developments in the economic and socio-cultural landscape of Dagestan. This study now turns to an examination of the impact of these changes on everyday life, specifically focusing on the component of private life.

Abdullah Omarov, a native of Kurkli village in the Kazikumukh district, stands as one of the earliest Dagestani authors to document village life during the latter half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. His articles, “Memoirs of a Mutalim” and “How the Laks Live,” published in the Collections of Information about the Caucasian Mountaineers, offer descriptions of various aspects of daily life [18; 19; 20]. In “How the Laks Live,” Omarov states his aim was to provide an unvarnished account of “the family and economic life of the mountaineers” [19, p. 2]. He argues that visiting Russians often held inaccurate perceptions of mountaineer life, asserting that a mountaineer “always answers the questions of a foreign guest (especially a Russian) insincerely or superficially, not allowing himself to trust the infidel with his interests, and always cleverly disguises ‘his social and family status’” [19, p. 2].

According to A. Omarov, all Dagestanis have a monotonous way of life, therefore what he writes about Laks applies to all Dagestan peoples in general [19, p. 2].

How does A. Omarov describe the private life of his time? Let us dwell on some of its aspects, in particular on family relationships.

According to A. Omarov, they were not always prosperous. Thus, he writes: “I often heard... that such and such a woman ran away from her husband to her parents because he beat her, I often heard the screams and shouts of some neighbors, to which people gathered, and it turned out that the husband was beating his wife or the brother his sister” [19, p. 4]. The relationship between father and mother was not simple in the family of A. Omarov himself, who wrote: “...even when he (father – author’s note) offended her (mother – author’s note), she did not say anything offensive to him, she only cried, and he always remained a formidable winner” [19, p. 5]. Thus, in family life, the woman occupied a subordinate position, did not dare to disobey her husband.

A. Omarov, in describing his own familial relationships, noted that he perceived his father as a strict authority figure whose presence was imposing, admitting to feeling a greater sense of freedom upon leaving home [19, p. 5]. His relationship with his mother was similarly restrained. “I didn’t kiss her,” Omarov recalled, “I didn’t say sweet words to her” [19, p. 5]. He further stated that expressions of affection from his mother would elicit anger [19, p. 5].

The demanding natural and climatic conditions of mountainous Dagestan, coupled with challenging living circumstances, significantly influenced daily life, including family dynamics and interpersonal relationships within the household. Given women’s extensive involvement in both domestic duties and agricultural labor, mothers often had to bring their infants in cradles to the fields during harvest seasons. Alternatively, if grandparents were available, the children would be left in their care, with mothers returning periodically to nurse them [15, p. 8]. Young fathers also shared childcare responsibilities in the absence of grandparents, particularly when the mother was occupied with fetching water or preparing meals.

A. Omarov also provides interesting information regarding interpersonal relationships, specifically friendship or kunak relations. Mountaineers typically maintained a kunak or kamalich in another village, with whom they shared a close bond. These relationships were considered enduring and often passed down through generations [20, p. 2]. Omarov further notes that kunaks provided mutual assistance in everything, including agricultural labor [20, p. 2].

Equally noteworthy is the account of private life in the village of Chokh (Gunib district), documented by Omar Karanailov, then a fifth-grade student at the Temir-Khan-Shurinsky real school, and published in the Collection of materials for describing the localities and tribes of the Caucasus [21]. Chokh, a prominent Avar village, produced numerous scholars and military personnel who served in the Caucasian squadron and the Imperial Majesty’s Own Convoy, among other postings [22]. Karanailov’s perspective is particularly valuable given his upbringing in the mountains and the subsequent formation of his worldview within a different cultural and historical context.

Karanailov’s article reveals episodes of everyday life, including private life, in Chokh during the 1880s. He observes: “The women of the Tatars (Avars – author’s note) perform all the work, while the man only plows and binds the sheaves. The woman works all day in the field or goes to the mountains for hay and carries a heavy load from there; in the evening she fetches water and prepares food; if there are elderly women in the house, then the children are left at home, but sometimes they are taken along. Boys from the age of eight assist with the work” [21, p. 11].

During the period under examination, the Dagestani peasantry was increasingly stratified into distinct socio-economic groups. A small upper stratum comprised wealthy peasants who owned substantial livestock herds, extensive landholdings, and engaged in large-scale trade, craft workshops, and moneylending. Conversely, a large segment consisted of impoverished rural laborers who worked for their wealthier counterparts. A third, intermediate group comprised middle peasants who independently managed their own farms [23, p. 188].

This stratification of the peasantry was also evident in regions specializing in commercial sheep breeding, particularly in the Gunib district, where Chokh, the village described by O. Karanailov, was located. Here, too, processes of socio-economic differentiation were underway, with the population divided into “noble” and “non-noble” segments, as noted by Karanailov. Consequently, social parity was a crucial consideration in the selection of a bride and the establishment of a family within the aul [21, p. 13].

Valuable observations concerning Dagestani daily life, including the private lives of mountaineers, were recorded by Maksud Alikhanov, a native of Khunzakh village in the Avar district. A general in the Russian army, Alikhanov authored several articles on Dagestani history for the Kavkaz newspaper, later compiled into the book In the Mountains of Dagestan [24]. Upon returning to Dagestan after an extended absence, he observed shifts in both domestic and public life resulting from the new historical circumstances that had superseded centuries of traditional practices [24, p. 19].

Alikhanov expressed criticism of Russian accounts of Dagestanis, particularly depictions of women and their purportedly oppressed status, dismissing such narratives as “fables” written by “visiting authors” [24, p. 260]. While one may not entirely concur with Alikhanov’s assessment of “visiting authors,” given the valuable material collected by Russian scholars on Dagestan, this point will be addressed subsequently.

M. Alikhanov depicts private life in Dagestan as he observed it in the 1890s. In his view, traditional customs (adats) remained prevalent, establishing clear divisions of labor between men and women [24, p. 270]. Comparing the status of women in the highlands with that of women in Persia and Turkey, where they were often confined to the home and isolated from the outside world, Alikhanov highlights the comparatively greater freedom of mountain women, who engaged in singing, dancing, and entertaining guests. He even expresses their supposed surprise at the perceived subservience of Persian women [24, p. 272]. Alikhanov notes that a girl “at the age of ten is put to study Arabic literacy and once she has achieved the ability to read the Koran, her studies are considered complete. After this, the girl helps her mother with the housework: cleans the room, milks the cow, kneads dough, etc.” [24, p. 264]. It is important to note that by the end of the 19th century, only 25 girls were enrolled in rural schools across the entire Dagestan region [25, p. 590].

The influence of Islam impacted both family life and national traditions [12]. As M. Ya. Mirzabekov observes, “the influence of Islam, its institutions, and religious figures on the life and spiritual and moral atmosphere in the Dagestani village at the beginning of the 20th century remained decisive. The influence of Islam, the norms and regulations of Sharia on family and marital relations and relationships between members of the Dagestani family was especially great” [26, p. 281].

The issue of women’s emancipation received considerable attention from Dagestani Muslim reformers who contributed to the Jaridat Dagistan1 newspaper, although they did not present a unified stance on the matter.

Ali Kayayev believed that inherent differences between men and women precluded the possibility of equality [27, pp. 112, 428]2. As a supporting argument, he cited the divine entrustment of divorce and separation proceedings to men [28].3

In contrast to Kayayev, Abusufyan Akayev, another prominent figure among Dagestani reformers, favored gender equality, including within the family, arguing that such equality would undoubtedly benefit society. He considered the prevailing notion of women as solely homemakers confined to domestic duties to be anachronistic [29, p. 148; 30, pp. 140–141].

Dagestan’s incorporation into the Russian Empire fostered conditions conducive to the emergence of a secular intelligentsia. Dagestanis who pursued higher education, acquired professional qualifications, and primarily engaged in intellectual pursuits constituted a new type of intelligentsia, distinct from the traditional spiritual elite. This new cohort differed in that its members were trained in secular educational institutions, acquiring knowledge in both the humanities and the exact sciences [16, p. 304]. Representatives of this secular intelligentsia made significant contributions to the study of Dagestan’s history and culture, including documenting the daily lives of the mountaineers.

The work of Said Gabiev, a representative of the liberal democratic intelligentsia, focusing on the history and culture of the Laks, is also of considerable interest [31]. He observes a demographic imbalance among the Laks, with 9,000 more women than men, yet notes the absence of both polygamy and prostitution within the community [31, p. 99]. Given the limited land resources in the Kazikumukh district, the Laks’ homeland, Gabiev explains that men frequently sought seasonal works elsewhere, while women engaged in domestic duties and child rearing [31, p. 110]. He further remarks that among the Laks, “fathers and mothers never beat children and tame them with just one look” [31, p. 110]. Comparing the status of Dagestani women with that of women in the Muslim East, Gabiev writes: “While all the peoples of the East began to hide their women behind walls, our mountain women were completely free and were in no way inferior to their husbands… Sharia turned out to be powerless and had to yield the palm of primacy in the life of the Laks – adat” [31, p. 105].

A somewhat contrasting perspective on the position of Dagestani women was offered by the prominent Caucasian scholar and jurist Bashir Dalgat, who compiled valuable material on Dargin customary law among residents of his ancestral village of Urakhi in the Darginsky District. Customary law, or adats, regulated the daily lives of the highlanders, including the sphere of private life. Dalgat observes that “all available printed collections of adats… concern only criminal or procedural adats. “There are almost no descriptions of everyday customs of the Dagestani mountaineers in the literature” [36, p. 1 rev]. Dalgat’s own work, “Materials on the customary law of the Dargins,” effectively addresses this gap in the existing literature.

It explores various aspects of the mountaineers’ private lives, including marriage, divorce, remarriage, spousal relationships, parent-child relationships, inheritance practices both during the parents’ lifetime and after their death, and guardianship. This analysis will focus on several of these aspects: marriage, divorce, spousal relationships, parent-child relationships, and inheritance.

Regarding marriage, Dalgat notes that according to adats, “marriage is considered a necessity, fate, and determined by God. Never in Urakhi do a man and a woman live together without marriage. Such cohabitation would be a terrible crime. No one has a mistress (cohabitant). Usually, men get married at the age of 20, and girls at 15.”4

Divorce was relatively frequent in Urakhi, with various grounds for it. However, whereas previously a husband could simply expel his wife and divorce her in the presence of two witnesses, the process now required them to appear before the village court, where the divorce would be officially recorded.5

Adats placed considerable emphasis on the relationship between spouses. “The male sex is generally considered,” writes Dalgat, “to be higher than the female, both according to the concepts of the people and according to Sharia. Without a man, a house is considered defenseless and unhappy. There is a belief among the people that a husband is the absolute master of his wife. The husband’s power over his wife extends to the point that he can always beat her, and she, except for words, can do nothing, and can complain only when her husband abuses her too much.”6

It is significant that Dalgat observes that “at present (the 1880s–1890s – author’s note) the women situation in marriage is becoming easier, because now the will of the authorities is beginning to penetrate into the affairs of adat and Sharia.”7 This indicates that during the latter half of the 19th century, positive changes were occurring in private life, with women finding recourse and protection from the official Russian authorities. This represents a novel development in Dagestan following its incorporation into the Russian state.

“Cases of adultery,” Dalgat notes, “are very rare. Such cases most often occur in the absence of the husband. The people are very strict about adultery, and not long ago, if such a woman was caught in this shameful act, all the residents would throw stones at her (according to Sharia), or her relatives would kill her; the man who got involved with her would also be killed by her husband’s relatives, or by her husband, if he himself caught them.”8 This serves as another example of how external influences impacted and altered the family life of the mountaineers. Dalgat further writes, “Husbands do not file complaints about unfaithful wives, but deal with them themselves according to adat; only now the authorities forbid killing, and for a divorce you have to go to the village court to have the divorce recorded there.”9

Among the reforms implemented by the Tsarist administration in Dagestan, judicial reform held a notable position. The new legal system established Dagestan People’s Courts and district verbal courts, which adjudicated cases according to adat, Sharia, and specific regulations [15, p. 125]. Wives could appeal to these courts in instances of spousal mistreatment. In cases of severe physical abuse by a husband, punishments such as fines and imprisonment could be imposed.10

It is important to note that “society generally does not interfere in the family affairs of individuals.”11 Dalgat makes a pertinent observation that with the establishment of Russian authority, spousal relations appear to have begun to improve: the husband’s power began to wane, and his rights over his wife were curtailed. Previously, according to both anecdotal accounts and codified (oral) adats, a husband possessed virtually unlimited authority over his wife, treating her akin to a slave. However, with the authorities now intervening in spousal disputes and occasionally setting aside certain mountain adats, this dynamic began to shift.12

Parent-child relationships constituted another significant aspect of family life. The birth of a son was typically celebrated more enthusiastically than that of a daughter in Dagestani families, given that upon marriage, a daughter would become part of another family unit.

Previously, fathers and male relatives held the right to carry out “honor killings” of family members for actions deemed to have brought dishonor upon the family in the eyes of the community.13 Under Russian rule, this parental authority diminished. Such killings or persecution of family members became punishable offenses, and appeals from those facing familial persecution were accepted for review by the authorities.

Therefore, in this area of private life as well, the altered historical context facilitated positive changes under the influence of Russian authority.

We now turn to the subject of inheritance within the family, another component of private life. Inheritance distribution in Dagestan was governed by Sharia law, although adat also played a role in certain instances.

The degree of consanguinity was always a key factor in inheritance proceedings.14 Various scenarios existed, such as the presence of a sole son, multiple daughters, or other combinations of relatives. In cases where the deceased had no surviving relatives, their property either reverted to the state treasury, was distributed according to Sharia principles, or was placed under the control of the community (jamaat).15

Thus, private life in Dagestan, like other facets of daily existence, was strictly regulated by adat and Sharia. According to local authors writing during the latter half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, it represented the most conservative aspect of everyday life. Nevertheless, the incorporation of Dagestan into the Russian Empire did precipitate certain changes within this sphere.

Valuable material concerning the daily lives, including family life, of mountaineers during the latter half of the 19th and early 20th centuries was collected and published in various periodicals and monographs by Russian authors. During the first half of the 19th century, before and during the Caucasian War in Dagestan, information gathering was primarily conducted by military officers, who focused on data such as village populations and the number of able-bodied men. However, in the latter half of the 19th and early 20th centuries, the focus shifted towards studying the local population now integrated as citizens of the Russian Empire. Consequently, the profile of those collecting information also changed, now including scientists, travelers, and other observers. While numerous individuals contributed to this body of knowledge, this analysis will examine the information pertaining to private life recorded by several key figures.

One of the earliest Russian authors to address private life in Dagestan was the physician N. Lvov, who was twice captured by mountaineers. His periods of residence within mountain villages provided him with the opportunity to observe the lives of their inhabitants. He notes that when a mountaineer selected a wife, her capacity for work was the primary consideration, with other qualities receiving less attention [32, p. 15].

Regarding spousal relationships, N. Lvov writes that “the mountaineer does not worry about marital fidelity, relying on his dagger, the mere sight of which is capable of keeping his wife in due obedience and protecting her from criminal behavior” [32, p. 15].

According to Lvov, a highlander family could rarely be described as happy, as the husband’s perceived idleness and the wife’s arduous labor did not foster harmonious family life [32, pp. 16, 17].

Concerning parent-child relationships, another aspect of private life, Lvov observes the mountaineers’ deep affection for their children. However, he also notes that adult children often treated their aging parents, particularly their mothers, with disrespect.

In the 1880s, Dagestan was visited by the Russian travel writer and ethnographer Evgeniy Markov. In his work [33], he describes the landscape of Dagestan, provides accounts of the mountaineers, and offers observations on their way of life. Regarding highland Dagestan, he noted that “tireless work and the rude treatment of the husband turn a Lezgin (Dagestani – author’s note) woman into some kind of pack animal. At 25, they look like old women. You will not find anything effeminate, gentle or graceful in these dark, short females with a rough, downtrodden look of sullen eyes, with unpleasant masculine facial features, wrapped up to the heels in their clumsy clothes, bent prematurely, covered in wrinkles. And how can one not turn into an animal when a Lezgin woman knows neither sleep, nor rest, nor pleasure” [33, p. 326]. He further observed that “In Gidatl, a woman is also downtrodden, turned into an unquestioning slave, into a speechless beast of burden” [33, p. 328].

The Russian military historian N. Dubrovin, in his work The History of the War and Russian Dominion in the Caucasus [34], also addresses aspects of private life in the conquered mountainous region. He observed a seemingly paradoxical trait among the mountaineers: while they demonstrated affection for their children, they also maintained a strict and distant demeanor, not allowing them to be present at the table [34, p. 556]. Dubrovin notes that whereas previously a woman could be stoned for adultery, the Russian authorities’ prohibition of this practice led to an increase in marital infidelity, as evidenced by records in the complaint books of the district people’s courts [34, p. 59]. He also describes the difficult circumstances of women within family life, subject to mistreatment by their mothers-in-law and harsh treatment from their husbands. He further observes that a woman could only obtain a divorce with the support of influential relatives [34, p. 575]. Dubrovin concludes that happiness was largely absent from the family life of mountaineers [34, p. 577], and that the concept of treating one’s wife as an equal was alien to their worldview [34, p. 553].

During the 1890s and early 20th centuries, several Russian scholars specializing in the Caucasus visited Dagestan and documented aspects of the mountaineers’ private lives in their publications. Among them was the military topographer and ethnography enthusiast A.V. Pastukhov, who traveled to Dagestan in the early 1890s. In his work [35], he provides information concerning private life in the highland village of Kurush in the Samur District. According to his observations, women in this village, as throughout Dagestan, were exceptionally industrious and did not veil their faces. He also noted that men were similarly hardworking, distinguishing them from their counterparts in Central Dagestan, who delegated almost all labor to women [35, p. 12]. Pastukhov reports that polygamy was uncommon throughout mountainous Dagestan, occurring primarily among the very wealthy. However, in Kurush, polygamy was more prevalent, as were divorces, with spouses frequently divorcing and remarrying multiple times [35, pp. 12, 13]. He also provides interesting data regarding longevity in Kurush, noting that three individuals had lived past the age of one hundred [35, p. 14].

Toward the end of the 19th century, the Caucasian scholar A. T. Vasiliev visited the Laks, one of Dagestan’s ethnic groups, and documented observations concerning their private lives. He noted that Lak children showed respect and affection for their parents, providing care for them in old age and during illness. For misbehavior, a mother could place a curse upon her children, which could only be lifted through a formal request for forgiveness [36, p. 67].

According to Vasiliev, the practice of polygamy among the Laks had largely given way to monogamy, which they considered more natural. While women were generally respected among the Laks, their responsibilities encompassed all household and agricultural labor. Vasiliev also reported that adultery could result in the husband killing his wife and seeking revenge on her lover. He further observed the husband’s attentive care towards his pregnant wife and the greater joy expressed at the birth of a son compared to a daughter [36, p. 83]. Importantly, Vasiliev noted a generational divide, with younger people and women expressing a desire for changes in customs and lifestyle, while the older generation resisted such shifts [36, p. 87]. This observation is significant as it documents the population’s varying attitudes towards changes brought about by the new historical circumstances.

In 1911, Professor N.I. Kuznetsov visited Dagestan on behalf of the Imperial Russian Geographical Society and the Imperial Academy of Sciences to study the region’s flora. His travels across various parts of Dagestan allowed him to compare private life and the position of women within families across different ethnic groups. He recounts being invited to the home of the village elder of Khosrekh, where the elder’s wife greeted him warmly at the entrance, accompanied by several other young women [37, p. 159]. During the meal, she entered the guest room, where the men were gathered, multiple times without hesitation. Upon his departure, the Russian professor offered the elder’s wife a gift in recognition of her hospitality, which she readily accepted [37, p. 163].

A contrasting atmosphere awaited him in the highland villages. According to Kuznetsov, these communities were predominantly male-dominated, where a woman’s worth was considered less than that of a donkey [37, p. 157]. In these mountainous settlements, the Russian scientist did not encounter women in public spaces, nor did they present themselves to guests visiting their homes. The host and his younger male relatives served the meals. Women observed visitors surreptitiously and retreated when noticed [37, p. 157]. Kuznetsov also remarked that “women, even young ones, look tired; they quickly age due to backbreaking work” [37, p. 158].

Around the same time as Kuznetsov, the ethnographer A.K. Serzhputovsky visited the Didoi people in Highland Dagestan [38]. Observing their private lives, he noted the remarkable purity of their morals. Instances of marital infidelity were exceedingly rare, and there were no documented cases of illegitimate births [38, p. 278]. According to local customs, the abduction of a woman was not considered a crime, a practice that apparently mitigated the complexities of arranging marriages according to Sharia law.

Serzhputovsky also documented the custom of atalychestvo among the Didoi, whereby boys aged four or five were entrusted to relatives or kunaks in neighboring villages to be raised until the age of seventeen, at which point they would return home and establish their own families.

The material compiled by Russian authors concerning the family life of Dagestani mountaineers is invaluable and contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of their daily existence.

This analysis has presented an overview of contemporary perspectives on private life in Dagestan during the latter half of the 19th and early 20th centuries. These perspectives encompass those of local authors, including representatives of the Muslim intellectual elite and the secular, including scientific, intelligentsia, as well as Russian authors, many of whom were also members of the scientific community. While both groups collected and documented valuable information on various facets of family life in Dagestan, their views regarding the position of women in Dagestani society diverge.

Those adhering to traditional Islamic viewpoints, primarily within the first group of authors, posited that men and women were divinely created as distinct beings, thus precluding the consideration of equality between them. However, within this group, Dagestani Muslim reformers emerged, advocating for gender equality within the family even at that time. Conversely, the second group, composed primarily of Russian authors, tended to portray women’s position as challenging and subordinate. Other authors, mainly local ones, presented a contrasting image of Dagestani women as proud and independent. The division of roles and responsibilities between men and women, dictated by ancient adats, was, from their perspective, not open to negotiation or change.

It is crucial to acknowledge the inherent gender bias in the available sources: all recorded opinions are those of male authors; the perspectives of women living during this period remain unknown.

In conclusion, while private life remained a conservative aspect of Dagestani daily existence, it did undergo minor yet positive changes.

This article represents a preliminary exploration, a first attempt by historians to examine one facet of private life in Dagestani villages during the latter half of the 19th and early 20th centuries: the family and the position of women within it, following the end of the Caucasian War and Dagestan’s incorporation into the Russian state. Further research is necessary to explore other dimensions of this complex topic, including the domestic sphere, friendships, leisure activities, religious beliefs, health practices, and property rights. Future studies should also investigate how the population adapted to life under new historical conditions and what transformative processes occurred within such a traditionally insular sphere of everyday life as private life in a traditional society.

Elmira M. Dalgat

Author for correspondence.
Email: elmira.dalgat@yandex.ru
ORCID iD: 0000-0003-2923-564X

Russian Federation

Bio Statement: Doctor of History, Professor, Head of the Department of Modern and Recent History of Daghestan

Researcher focus: social and economic development of Daghestan of the XIX century .; penetration and development of capitalism in Daghestan; peasant and landlord economy; urban development in Daghestan; modernization processes in Daghestanian villages; transformation of the mentality of Daghestanis

Amir R. Navruzov

Email: anavruzov@rambler.ru

Russian Federation

Candidate of historical sciences, associate professor

Leading researcher

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